How migratory routes shed light on geography of confinement
This proposal is a spatial reading of detention centres for foreigners awaiting deportation, confronted with the migratory routes of migrants. I assume that international migrations and the control policies dedicated to them produce fixity and confinement. I do not oppose mobility and control of mobility in a binary way, but shed light on the diversity of interactions that arise between them. The migratory routes appear to be more and more linked to confinement places for foreigners. These are not only milestones but places where the following steps of the trip can be planed. The second level of analysis is about temporality: the length of migration gets considerably longer because of the stays in detention places. The stops-off are not short cuts in the trip but can last months or years. There is a rhythmic inversion: the migrants spend less time moving than waiting to go on. The third level handles with the insertion of detention centres in a set of places of confinement. A lot of migrants go through other places of confinement, such as: hiding places of smugglers, prisons, military settlements. Migratory routes reveal geography of confinement.
Romania is an interesting place to observe how the globalisation of migration flows and the control of migration in the frame of the European enlargement meet and produce new dynamics and places of confinement. The empirical datas used were gathered in 2009 and 2010 in the two detention centres of Romania, as well as during interviews with migrants in detention or released.
Testing the confinement concept via the case study of female Moroccan farmworkers in Huelva (Spain)
The present proposal focuses on the situation of female Moroccan farmworkers recruited to work in the Huelva (Spain) strawberry production sector. We would like to put the concept of confinement to the test for this case. Constraints on everyday movements, and processes of isolation and relegation mark the housing conditions of these women who are recruited within the framework of contratos en origen. This means that both the recruitment process and the signing of temporary work contracts take place in Morocco, and that those recruited – married women with young children – undertake to return there. In Spain, the province of Huelva, which has become a laboratory for this type of utilitarian, seasonal-work migration, benefits from specially targeted EU financial measures. The women are housed either in the workplace – the campo, in endogenous terminology – or in immigrant workers’ hostels. These places speak volumes about the particular way in which the female Moroccan migrants are constructed as a specific category of foreigners, as potential candidates for illegal migration, and as a category whose mobility is subject to control. This emerges from an in-depth enquiry, in both Morocco and Spain, embracing the various institutional actors and women concerned.